AHMED MOHAMED MAHAMOUD SILANYO VISION FOR SOMALILAND

Minister Henry Bellingham greets the President of Somaliland

On Friday, 26 November, in a meeting chaired by former British Minister for Africa, Lord Triesman, President Silanyo addressed a wide ranging audience of international government officials, academics, journalists and business leaders at Chatham House in London. In one of Chatham House’s most popular seminars in history, over 200 people attennded with scores of others turned away.

A full transciprt of the President’s speech is below:

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Address to Chatham House, Royal Institute for International Affairs

26 November 2010

H.E President Ahmed .M. Silanyo

Ladies and Gentlemen, distinguished colleagues and friends,

A. General

1. It gives me great pleasure to be with you here as the representative of my people and our country, Somaliland. I am most grateful to Chatham House and the Royal Institute for International Affairs for extending this kind invitation to us. It is symbolic of the longstanding interest and commitment to constructive dialogue and positive engagement on the important issues affecting the Somali people that the Royal Institute for International Affairs and its members have illustrated over many years and decades.
2. I am also aware of your recent work on the livestock trade in the Horn of Africa as well as your recent examination of the problems of insurgency, terrorism and economic hardship in the region. These are areas of fundamental importance for Somaliland and the region more widely. At the same time, I know that your interest in our corner of the world is only a small part of the larger work done by Chatham House in its catalytic role in encouraging international debate about our continent, Africa.
3. I would also like to take this opportunity to salute the Somaliland Diaspora living in the United Kingdom, without whose unflinching support, encouragement and commitment to the cause of their people, Somaliland would be a thoroughly different place. I am delighted to see some members of that community represented here today.
4. I should also like to express my profound gratitude to the British Government, including Prime Minister David Cameron, Minister for Africa, Mr. Henry Bellingham and members of the Somaliland All Party Parliamentary Group led by Alun Michael MP for their consistent support and continuing engagement on the key issues of concern for the people of Somaliland. We in Somaliland have always been keenly appreciative of the special friendship between our two nations deeply rooted in history, and a commitment to democracy, human rights and freedom. My Government and I look forward to further strengthening those links, and collaborating on issues of mutual interest for the benefit of our countries and our people.
5. My message to you today is one of HOPE, in an otherwise often bleak region of the Horn of Africa. We in Somaliland are no longer content to be Africa’s best-kept secret but have launched upon the unstoppable trajectory towards becoming a full functioning and responsible member of the international community of states, in keeping with our rights and obligations under international law. I shall take the opportunity today to talk to you briefly about recent developments, as well as issues of importance for our country.

B. Elections

6. Following in the footsteps of the first Presidential election in 2003 and the Parliamentary elections of 2005, the Presidential elections on 26 June 2010 marked almost 20 years since Somaliland reclaimed its sovereignty, and 50 years since the end of the British Protectorate.

7. Despite security threats aimed to discourage and stifle the will of the electorate, over a million people queued from early dawn, in the blistering summer heat, determined to peacefully cast their ballot and vote. Many of these voters were women and the youth. International observers determined the results of the elections to be free and fair. My popular mandate derives from this process of which I’m very proud and humbled. With the ensuing peaceful transition and handover, Somaliland once again, set itself apart from many countries in Africa and distinguished itself in a corner of the world often synonymous with instability, lack of security and absence of rule of law.

8. We believe that the success of our elections has demonstrated Somaliland’s commitment to the “democratic principles, human rights, the rule of law and good governance”, which are enshrined in the Constitutive Act of the African Union. I am immensely proud of the achievements of my people born out of struggle for survival and recognition in the face of isolation and hardship. I want to take this opportunity to pay tribute to the people of Somaliland, and ask them to remain steadfast in their commitment to peace, democracy and the rule of law.

9. I also want to express my profound gratitude to our growing number of friends in the international community, including Great Britain, who stood by us throughout our struggles and whom we will continue to draw on for support, wise counsel and friendship in the days, months and years ahead.

C. Local Elections

10. One consequence of the delayed Presidential elections is that local elections have also been pushed back. However, the Government will press ahead with these as a matter of priority. We are determined that all Government, including at the local level should be accountable to the people. We are talking to the National Electoral Commission, political parties and donors about the timeframe for holding the local elections and expect to finalize arrangements very soon.

Minister Henry Bellingham with the President of Somaliland Ahmed Mohamed Mohamoud Silanyo and his delegation

D. Development

11. My Administration has ambitious development plans. There is an urgent need to tackle poverty, enhance institutional Governance capacity and increase access to basic services including, health and education. We will need support in this endeavour.

12. Having previously suffered from years of neglect by Mogadishu, and compounded by the conflict that followed, as well the somewhat uncertain approach of the international community, Somaliland had a difficult past. However, a tremendous amount has been achieved in the past 20 years.

13. Under my Administration, we will seek to find new opportunities building on the achievements of the past 2 decades – to promote the social and economic welfare of our people.

14. While we are very grateful to the international community for the humanitarian support which they provided, we would like to see more emphasis on development to ensure a successful transition from humanitarian assistance to recovery. The peace dividend must be manifest in concrete results for the people of Somaliland.

15. We look forward to closer cooperation with the United Nations and international organizations, as well as strengthened bilateral links with donor community who have positively signaled their commitment in this regard.

E. Trade and investment

16. Development assistance alone will not do enough to lift Somaliland out of poverty. Investment and economic diversification will be key. Since the Kulmiye Administration came to power, it has made a concerted effort to raise revenue and broaden its sources. As a result, the last quarter saw a 24% increase in revenue.

If sustained, the Government will be able to spend more of our own money on economic and social development.

17. My Government also recognizes the need to boost Somaliland’s exports and diversify its markets. Provided that the issue of veterinary certificates can be overcome, we do not believe that it is fanciful to think of exporting our lamb – which is excellent, by the way – to the European Union. The lifting of the ban on the export of livestock from the Rift Valley by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia was an important and welcome development, but the ban demonstrated the need for Somaliland to have other outlets for its trade.

18. Somaliland also needs better roads and telecommunications. The Berbera Corridor, including the port of Berbera itself, is of vital importance to our future economic prosperity as well as being important to our landlocked neighbor, Ethiopia. The Government is seeking foreign direct investment in infrastructure, and is prepared to make investing in Somaliland more attractive to foreign companies. Such improvements will be powerful drivers of economic growth and much needed revenue. Smaller scale projects at the community level will be equally important. Here, I believe that the Somali Diaspora has an important part to play in leveraging its considerable resources.

19. More widely, there is a clear need to promote Somaliland as a trade and investment, opportunity. That is part of the reason why I am here in the UK where we have just inaugurated the first Anglo-Somaliland Chamber of Commerce (on 23 November 2010). Over the course of the past week, I have met with many business leaders and potential investors who recognize the unique opportunities of investing in the emerging markets of Somaliland. I hope that you will spread the word that Somaliland is open for business!

F. Recognition

20. I make no secret of the fact that my Government’s ultimate goal is full international recognition of Somaliland’s independence as a sovereign State. We believe that such international recognition, long over due, will allow us to unlock more direct assistance, promote more trade and investment, maintain our security and further the social and economic well-being of our people.

21. Secession was not born out of a top down approach, but was the popular expression of the overwhelming majority of the Somaliland people who sought to exercise their international legal right to self-determination, similar to Kosovo, East Timor and elsewhere. Upon gaining its independence from Great Britain in 1960, the Republic of Somaliland was recognized by some 35 countries before the entering into a voluntary union with Somalia in the same year.

22. The dissolution of that union and the resumption of Somaliland’s independence nearly 20 years ago was not based on territorial expansion as its present borders are the same as those of 1960. This is particularly relevant to African Union principle of respect for borders existing on achievement of independence. We also wait with great interest on outcome of the upcoming referendum in the South Sudan early in the New Year.

G. Situation in Somalia

23. Despite our non-negotiable position on independence, Somaliland bears no ill-feeling towards our neighbour Somalia, as it’s in nobody interest to see the conflict in the Somalia perpetuated, and wishes the administration of President Sharif, and other relevant parties in that country success in ending the long suffering of their people.

24. At the same time, my Government views with deep concern the continuing violence and instability in Somalia, which poses a direct threat to the Somaliland, the region and in the international community. The recent terrorist attacks, including in Kampala during the world cup, clearly illustrate the need for concerted international cooperation on security issues.

25. The use of Somalia as a base for operations by pirates – the consequence of the breakdown of central Government – has given the crisis in Somalia an international dimension that stretches far beyond its shores. I am heartened to see the successful conclusion recently of the Chandler’s kidnapping after more than a year in captivity. For our part, we have successfully sought to prevent pirate operations on or near our own coast, and have taken concrete steps to combat that insidious threat. We will continue to strengthen our capacity as a security provider in our own region with international support, as necessary.

26. Clearly the search for a durable peace in Somalia – which has to date remain elusive – is paramount. Whilst the international community has invested immeasurable resources, time and commitment to the resolution of the Somalia crisis– these efforts have been constrained in part by the fact that they were often externally driven. In the case of Somaliland, a grassroots approach, utilizing the best aspects of the traditional conflict resolution at the community level provided the basis for dialogue and peace. It was neither quick nor easy but we believe that elements of that model could be successfully replicated in Somalia, as appropriate.

H. Integrating with the region

27. Somaliland is not an island: for good or ill it is affected by events in neighboring countries. Far from wishing to turn our backs on our neighbors, my Government wants to improve its interaction with them and with regional organizations such as IGAD and the AU, to make sure that Somaliland’s voice is heard, its interests are promoted, and the security of its people and neighbours assured.

28. Ethiopia, Djibouti and Kenya will be key partners in the region. In the same vein, we want closer links to the EU, the UN and its specialized agencies, and the League of Arab States. We also hope to secure stronger ties with individual donors, not least the United States, which recently announced its dual-track policy that will see direct aid and cooperation with Somaliland increased. I very much welcome this as a positive step in keeping the realities on the ground.

I. Relations with the UK

29. Before concluding, I would once again like to reiterate the special bond between the United Kingdom and the Republic of Somaliland. We will continue to look to Great Britain to be at the forefront of the Somaliland question, including in supporting our bid for formal representation at international forums, such as the United Nations.

30. I would like to thank the Government and British people for the humanitarian and development assistance, which they continue to generously provide during difficult times, and for the hospitality and sanctuary provided to the Somaliland community here. With the British government’s support and assistance, including in the areas of security cooperation and economic investment, we continue to make positive strides in the development of our country, and will create conditions conducive for those displaced globally wishing to return voluntarily, with safety and dignity.

J. Conclusion

31. In sum, Somaliland has achieved democracy, peace and stability largely through its own efforts. As a new administration we have also met many of the benchmarks we set ourselves for our first 100 days. With the support of our people, we are determined to go to the next level and build a state on the foundations of the rule of law, democratic principles and good governance. With the help of the international community, and the support of our regional partners, I am confident that Somaliland will take its rightful place amongst the community of States.

Thank you.

END

Source:http://www.somalilandglobe.com

http://www.fco.gov.uk/en/news/latest-news/?view=News&id=204732682

SOMALILAND FEATURED IN THE METRO NEW YORK NEWSPAPER

"Most people confuse Somaliland and Somalia. Wouldn’t it be a good idea to get a new name? The name is always under discussion, but this has been our name since 1888. We’re an old country."

President Ahmed Mohamud Silaanyo, Somaliland

Ahmed Mohamud Silaanyo rules a peaceful country with democratic elections, functioning businesses, a police force — even broadband. He’s the president of Somaliland, the region of Somalia that declared independence 19 years ago. There’s just one problem: No country officially recognizes Somaliland. President Silaanyo, who was elected earlier this year, has made recognition his goal and travels around the world to lobby for his country. He enjoyed the first fruits of his labors earlier this year, when the U.S. announced it will increase aid to Somaliland and send more diplomats there.

http://www.readmetro.com/show/en/NewYork/20101220/1/9/

DOES MOGADISHU NEED A MAYOR?

Especially given the heightened insecurity in the city and lack of order, is it possible to achieve much as a mayor? Food for thought...

But some are willing to take on the challenge despite the odds and the best anyone can do is support them. Mohamed Ahmed Noor is currently the Mayor of Mogadishu, a true African hero of the highest order and an inspiration to many including Africa Project 53.

Mohamed Ahmed Noor was under no illusions when he agreed to take on the job of mayor of Mogadishu, capital of Somalia. He was living in the relative safety of London when the offer was recently made. He sat his family down and told them he may not be coming back. "I explained the dangers of the job, that I may be killed and that one day they may hear on the news that the mayor of Mogadishu has been assassinated, or killed in an explosion."

...

Mayor Noor feels that Mogadishu gets a bad press. "I think there is a misunderstanding about Mogadishu. It is not more dangerous than Baghdad, or Kabul. "If you compare death rates, or daily accidents in the capitals, on a bad day in Mogadishu you can have 10-20 deaths, but in Baghdad we hear of 50 or 100 casualties in a day. In Kabul it can be more than that."
Mr Noor does recognise the limitations the security situation presents, however. "I cannot work effectively, I cannot go wherever I want, I don't have resources to provide services." But since taking office four months ago, he says he has tried to do whatever he can to improve the lives of Mogadishu's people. "I am lighting the streets of Mogadishu so people can start to lead a normal life. "I am cleaning the streets, the markets. All that is an improvement," he said. Source: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-11847336

So far, all he has received is a $50,000 budget for a capital where garbage has not been collected in 20 years, and where electricity is nonexistent unless one owns a generator or buys it from someone who does. "The government has not kept its promise," he said. But that hasn't stopped him. He persuaded a generator operator to light up a few streets at night by threatening to bring in two large generators and drive him out of business. He hired 10 trucks to pick up garbage; that made a small dent in one neighborhood. He replaced officials who had been chosen because of clan ties and installed people with experience. In some neighborhoods, he created community-policing units to prevent spies from al Shabab, the al Qaeda-linked militia seeking to take control over the country, from infiltrating government areas. "Security has improved," he declared, radiating with optimism.

For more information on Mohamed Ahmed Noor Mayor of Mogadishu Somalia background and his life journey that has prepared and led him to this enormous task visit here http://www.washingtonpost.com

Dr. Hawa Abdi & Her Daughters: Angels in Somalia

Dr. Amina Mohamed Abdi, Dr. Hawa Abdi and Dr. Deqa Mohamed Abdi

On a still, hot morning last May, hundreds of Islamist militants invaded the massive displaced-persons camp that Dr. Hawa Abdi runs near Mogadishu, Somalia. They surrounded the 63-year-old ob-gyn’s office, holding her hostage and taking control of the camp. “Women can’t do things like this,” they threatened. Dr. Abdi, who is equal parts Mother Teresa and Rambo, was unfazed. Every day in Somalia brings new violence as bands of rebels rove ungoverned. Today Somalia remains what the U.N. calls one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world. On that morning in May, Dr. Abdi challenged her captors: “What have you done for society?” The thugs stayed a week, leaving only after the U.N. and others advocated on her behalf. Dr. Abdi then, of course, got back to work. Her lifesaving efforts started in 1983, when she opened a one-room clinic on her family farm. As the government collapsed, refugees flocked to her, seeking food and care. Today she runs a camp housing approximately 90,000 people, mostly women and children because, as she says, “the men are dead, fighting, or have left Somalia to find work.” While Dr. Abdi has gotten some help, many charities refuse to enter Somalia. “It’s the most dangerous country,” says Kati Marton, a board member of Human Rights Watch. “Dr. Abdi is just about the only one doing anything.” Her greatest support: two of her daughters, Deqo, 35, and Amina, 30, also doctors, who often work with her. Despite the bleak conditions, Dr. Abdi sees a glimmer of hope. “Women can build stability,” she says. “We can make peace.” Source:Glamour Magazine

"We've celebrated the most famous women in the world, but the women readers tell us they're the most moved by, year after year, are the women they've never heard of before," says Glamour's editor-in-chief Cindi Leive speaking at the Glamour Women of the Year Awards event 2010 New York City

How to Help:
Glamour is working with the nonprofit Vital Voices to distribute funds to support Dr. Abdi’s crucial work. Donate here.

“Everyone in the Dr. Hawa Abdi hospital is a Somali—no clan affiliation is allowed here. If someone brings such affiliation, he or she will be expelled from here,” she recently told Hiiraan Online.

...Asked how she would explain her two daughters’ decision to become OB/GYN doctors, just like her, Dr. Dhiblawe said: “My daughters want to follow my roots, because they love their nation and their people. They are dedicated to help their people. Sometimes, when I told them to stay away from the medical profession, they declined, and decided to work for their people.”

...she distinctly remembers one fateful day after the 1991 civil war that brought down the military regime. Her hospital was overflowing with injured men from one of the sides who were engaged in the war. Militiamen from the other side marched on her hospital and demanded to get access to the injured men of the opposite group, so that they can kill them.

Engrossed with deep respect for humanity, Dr. Dhiblawe told the attacking militiamen to “kill me first, before you can kill my patients.” It was a defining moment in her career. That stubbornness saved her patients.

Dr. Dhiblawe’s mother died when she was 12. As the eldest of her siblings, she had to help with family chores, but that didn’t stop her from pursuing her medical studies dream. The daughter of an educated father, she became a doctor at a very young age.

“giving up and leaving the whole country,” something she’s fully capable of. But, she added: “Then, I think about who is going to take care of my patients. If I could get a Green Card for all of my patients and all the displaced people here, I would ship them to the United States.”


If you need to take part on Dr. Hawa Abdi's humanitarian work, please contact her at
E-mail: dwaqaf@yahoo.com
Source:Somalionline

Dr Hawa Abdi received her medical training in the Ukraine, the former Soviet Union nation, and returned to Somalia in 1983 to open her own clinic in the outskirts of Mogadishu.

MORE INFORMATION:

Dr Hawa Abdi Foundation http://drhawaabdifoundation.org/
http://www.facebook.com/group.php?gid=63336303744
http://www.cbsnews.com/stories/2010/11/09/eveningnews/main7038748.shtml

Salvaging the Horn of Africa

Just to share some of the experiences we come across as AP53 embarks on its initiatives within the Horn of Africa. Finding solutions to the challenges within the Horn of Africa is not easy at ALL!

It was early on the disreputable day of October 21st, 2010 that I tuned into the BBC at 7.00am. They have been covering a press conference held by Johnny Carson, the American Undersecretary of African Affairs. Mr. Carson was talking about the Obama administration’s new ‘double track’ policy towards the Somali dilemma: supporting the TFG while dealing with the peaceful administrations of Somaliland, Puntland and the central areas of Somalia without recognizing them as separate entities. After the press conference, the BBC organized a brief debate convened by Mohamed H. Hussein (Shiine) between a woman from Somalia, Sadia, whose only first name I was able to catch and Anis Abdillahi Essa, a strong advocate for Somaliland.
Mr. Carson used the term ‘Somaliland’ to refer to the Republic of Somaliland in his press conference, while our sister Sadia insisted on using ‘The Northern Regions’ in reference to Somaliland. Embarrassed for Sadia, Mr. Anis requested from his sister to at least follow the American Under-secretary in using ‘Somaliland’ in her communiqué. In response, Sadia staunchly refused by stating that she will never in her life utter the word ‘Somaliland’, but will continue using the term ‘The Northern Regions.’ The standard of hatred, animosity and bitterness has reached such a level and this discouraging, while scary scrutiny is not restricted to Sadia alone, but is at least shared by most of the Diaspora and the TFG who are envious and resentful of the victories scored in Somaliland.
This is far from a benevolent or compassionate human response to a successful story of some of your brethren, much akin to a neighbor who has put his house in order while steering clear of your side of the fence. In contrast to their diasporic counterparts, Somalia’s local population has shown their admiration of what is going on in Somaliland. The despair and the grief they have shown on the death of President Egal is something unforgettable. This was followed by the joy they demonstrated after the recent successful transfer of power between two popularly elected presidents, the likes of which neither Somalia nor Somaliland has ever seen.
Why such an acrimony? Why not appreciate the gains scored by your fellow Somalis to salvage a part of the greater Somali region from havoc and disastrous wars? Why not appreciate and make use of the rich experience they have accumulated in finding solutions to their differences through peaceful dialogue and the Islamic\traditional mechanisms of conflict resolution. Why is Somaliland not given the chance to take part in the international and regional arena where the dilemma of Somalia has been discussed for the last two decades? Are they not the brothers with whom we shared the same Republic for almost thirty years of unification? Are we not the closest to monitor and sense their inner feelings and preoccupations? Why we are not offered at least an observer’s status in such efforts? I admit that the authorities of Somaliland were too busy focusing on the reconstruction of their own nation at the initial stages. But, one should not undervalue President Egal’s offer of hosting a Somali reconciliation conference that was undermined in 2000.
This is a brief account of the realities on the ground of two countries divorced from one another, yet locked together by a prejudiced world public opinion and injudicious antagonistic Somali view points. It is not only the people of Somaliland who seceded from the rest of Somalia; the reality is that the people of Somalia and the subsequent so-called governments have cut the country into two parts. For Somalilanders, 18th May is the day they officially restored their sovereignty. The fact is that Somaliland was cut off from Somalia long ago. 18th May marks only the date that our people have reached a verdict on their self- determination.
Somalis in the South and the world at large talk about the war in Somalia for the last twenty years and the fact remains that in Somaliland the civil strife started in 1981 and ended in 1991. This is ten against twenty. This is the reality. The first ten is not accounted for, but the other twenty is counted and this makes Somaliland a separate entity. Let us ask ourselves the one million dollar question: Which is the country where a devastating civil war has been going on for the last twenty years in the Horn of Africa? The answer is simple: Somalia and not Somaliland. In Somaliland, we are not talking about wars instead we are talking about the noble and cherished accomplishments we share with the developing world using our meager resources and mechanisms of conflict resolution. At certain instances the world recognizes this and Mr. Carson in his press conference has admitted that Somaliland has realized a successful presidential election unlike many other African countries. He went to the extent of congratulating former president Dahir Ra’yale Kahin for the peaceful transfer of power. On the other hand, two groups of international electoral observers declared the presidential elections of 26/6/2010 to be credible, free and fair.


Author
Aw Farax Mohamed xaqa_u_gargaar@hotmail.com

Text source and more information http://www.somalilandtimes.net/sl/2010/457/40.shtml

Why Djibouti Succeeded In Attracting Hundreds Of Millions Of Dollars In Investments

BEAUTY OF DJIBOUTI

Djibouti may initially seem the most unlikely place to attract foreign investments. The country lacked natural resources and everything else that investors considered before putting their money in a new overseas venture.
But these harsh realities were not to deter Djibouti’s president Ismail Omer Gualleh from abandoning his dream of turning his country to Africa’s Dubai.

He envisaged that Djibouti by virtue of it location at the mouth of the Red Sea and close proximity to the Arabian Sea and the Indian Ocean, could became a regional hub for transshipment of goods between land-locked Africa, the Middle East and Asia.
But the realization of this vision depended on obtaining funds for the modernization and expansion of the country’s existing port infrastructure.

In order to be able to lure the necessary investments for the development of it’s port infrastructure, the Djiboutian government had no other option except to introduce far- reaching incentives that conferred an attractive range of both tax and non-tax benefits.
This was followed by president Gulleh’s bold decision in 2000 to sign a concession agreement with Dubai Ports International, a subsidiary of Dubai World, that allowed the Gulf investors to manage Djibouti Port for a period of 20 years. Traditionally ports have been considered national assets that must remain in the control of governments. But the port liberalization policies adopted by the government allowed Djibouti to attract hundreds of millions of dollars in direct foreign investment. Encouraged by the country’s newly-acquired business-friendly environment, investors from Dubai and the government of Djibouti agreed to expand their joint venture involving the management of Djibouti’s old port by establishing a container terminal at Doraleh, 13km from the city. Operational since December 2008, Doraleh container terminal is said to be most technologically advanced in Africa.

In 2004 Djibouti port’s Free Zone was created. The Zone is managed by Jebel Ali Free Zone. To attract investments, Djibouti Free Zone operates on the basis of “one stop shop” meaning that you can finalize all your formalities under one roof. Investments are exempted from all direct or indirect tax except VAT. People who want to establish export business in the Free Zone are not obliged to have local partners while restrictions on repatriation of capital or profits are non-existent. The direct foreign investment received by Djibouti in the last 10 years have already substantially increased the productivity and competitiveness of the country’s two ports. Allowing foreign entry into the service sector has also facilitated the spill lover of knowledge and skills to Djiobutians.

By accepting and welcoming the participation of foreign investors in the ownership and management of the country’s public infrastructure such as ports and airports, Djibouti has demonstrated a firm determination to succeed where other countries in the region have failed.

Text source http://www.somalilandtimes.net/sl/2010/457/12.shtml

Ga’an Libah High School students Complain Of Shortage Of Teachers

Hargeysa, Somaliland, October 30, 2010 (SL Times) - Students at Ga’an Libah High School in Somaliland’s capital, Hargeisa, went to the ministry of education this week to complain about the shortage of teachers in their school, a problem that has affected other aspects of the school’s operations. The students said they brought the issue to the ministry’s attention many times in the past but nothing was done.
As reported by Haatuf Newspaper, the Director General of the Ministry of Education, Mr Ali Muhammad Ali was present when the students reached the ministry, but instead of listening to the students’ complaints, the Director General accused the press of being behind the problem and warned the press to be careful about spreading that kind of news.
That there are problems at Ga’an Libah can be gleaned from a quick look at the performance of students from this school in the national examinations which have gone down in the last few years. A lot of public schools are facing the same problems of shortage in teachers and lower performance in school exams as Ga’an Libah. Moreover, a growing number of excellent teachers have left public education and are now teaching in private schools where the pay is higher. Therefore, it did not come as a surprise when nine of the ten highest scores in the 2009-2010 national examination belonged to students from private schools.

Text source and more information: http://www.somalilandtimes.net/sl/2010/457/8.shtml
Photo by Guleed

Somaliland's Diaspora: From Manager To Minister In A Flash

H.E Eng. Hussein Abdi Dualeh

Minister of Mining, Energy and Water Resources
Somaliland

By Michael Logan

Hargeysa, Somaliland, October 23, 2010 – Just four months ago, Hussein Abdi Dualeh was an engineer with the Los Angeles County Metropolitan Transportation Authority (Metro), managing maintenance contracts and living a comfortable life with his wife and three sons. Today, he's helping run a self-proclaimed - although internationally unrecognized - nation in the Horn of Africa. Dualeh, 54, is typical of the highly-educated diaspora politicians who have returned to Somaliland - a breakaway state in the north-west of war-torn Somalia - to serve in the new government of President Ahmed Mohamed Sillanyo.

'I came for the inauguration and they told me: `You`re not leaving,`' says the erudite and articulate Dualeh, who heads up the Ministry of Mining, Energy and Water Resources. He's only half-joking. Sillanyo, elected in late June, slashed the size of his government and looked to the diaspora to fill key posts in his 20-member cabinet. As well as the energy docket, the information, planning, foreign affairs and fisheries ministries are in the hands of Somalilanders who have just returned after decades in the United States, Britain and Canada.

'They promised to have an effective government and to have qualified people in the right positions,' says Dualeh. 'The president realized he would have to look elsewhere and tapped up quite a few people from overseas.' Dualeh, like many of his peers, left a Somalia languishing under the brutal reign of dictator Mohamed Siyad Barre, who seized power in 1969 and oversaw 21 years characterized by repression and civil war.

While Somaliland was struggling to reclaim the independence it gave up in 1960 - when the former British protectorate joined with Italian Somaliland to form the Somalia of today - Dualeh was pursuing his education and career abroad. He graduated with a degree in petroleum engineering from the University of Oklahoma in 1983 and worked at Chevron for five years. In 1989, two years before Siyad Barre was finally ousted and Somaliland declared its independence, Dualeh joined Metro. Somaliland set about quietly rebuilding as the rest of Somalia descended into the failed state it has become today. The stability and democratic credentials of Somaliland are a stark contrast to the rest of the Horn of Africa nation.

The ineffective Western-backed government in Mogadishu is hemmed in by Islamist insurgents who control much of south and central Somalia, and pirates based in the breakaway region of Puntland terrorize international shipping in the Gulf of Aden. The international community is showing increasing signs of backing Somaliland with aid, if not recognition, viewing it as a buttress against al-Qaeda-linked militant Islamist group al-Shabaab.

But the freshly arrived ministers, still reeling from culture shock, still have a big job on their hands. Somaliland`s annual government budget is 50 million dollars - half of the value of the contracts Dualeh managed for Metro. The self-proclaimed state is drought-prone and poverty-stricken, with poor infrastructure and high unemployment. Its 3.5 million residents are heavily reliant on livestock - although there is real innovation and growth in the telecommunications and money-transfer industries.

The capital Hargeisa is a dust bowl, where goats pick through rubbish littering the side of the bumpy dirt roads and makeshift huts housing displaced people far outnumber the few big houses erected by the diaspora. It's a far cry from Los Angeles. 'It's a sacrifice. I was making a six-figure salary and drove a Merc, but dropped it all to come here,' says Dualeh, who has left his family behind in California. 'I want to see if I can help the country of my birth.' While the personal sacrifice is tempered by the fact Dualeh has given up a job as an anonymous middle-manager to become a important man, he and the other diaspora ministers appear to have a genuine desire to help Somaliland fulfill its potential. Not everyone is happy with the appointment of people who have lived the high life abroad to such exalted positions, however.

Ahmed Hassan Ahmed, who lived in India, the US and Canada over the last 30 years, returned to become the Director of Awareness in the Ministry of Information. Ahmed - who ironically has the remit of educating the returning diaspora on Somaliland`s culture - admits there is resentment among the locals.

'The biggest complaint is that there are so many expats (in the government), but it`s my country too,' he says. Despite the grumbles, many others believe the diaspora brings back valuable skills and experience, and Dualeh says Somaliland was always in the hearts of those who left. 'Even though we were never here, we lived it,' he says. Source: Deutsche Presse-Agentur (DPA)


More information and source
http://www.somalilandtimes.net/sl/2010/456/11.shtml

http://www.ministryofminerals.com/

Islamists ban cash transfers back to Somalia

The Islamic insurgent group that controls much of southern Somalia has banned remittances and mobile money transfers, threatening the foundations of the economy.
Al-Shabaab said these services were contrary to Muslim teachings and threatened “traditional Islamic banking methods”.

Foreign remittances are estimated to bring about $1.6bn into Somalia every year. About 1m Somalis live abroad and the funds they send home are crucial to many livelihoods.
Mark Bowden, the UN’s humanitarian co-ordinator for Somalia, said: “Diaspora remittances provide a vital lifeline to millions of Somalis who depend upon them for day to day subsistence.”

For more

http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/31374914-dd2b-11df-9236-00144feabdc0.html

WATER IN THE HORN OF AFRICA-SOMALI'S NEVER ENDING WATER PLIGHT

Women collecting water in Afgooye via Oxfam

WATER PROFILE IN SOMALIA via USAID

Since 1991 when Siad Barre's government fell, Somalia has been a largely stateless society. Parts of the country such as Somaliland, Puntland, Galmudug, Maakhir, and Southwestern Somalia are internationally “unrecognized” autonomous regions. The remaining areas, including the capital Mogadishu, are divided into smaller territories ruled by competing warlords. Although the north of Somalia has some functioning government institutions, conflict prevails in many parts of South-Central Somalia. Instability and natural disasters have forced many Somalis to abandon their rural homes for peri-urban areas. However, rural flight is due not only to conflict, but is also part of a larger trend of permanent urbanization as rural Somalis seek better economic opportunities.

Somalia’s water supply and sanitation (WSS) sector hardly exists outside of the relatively stable

Somaliland and Puntland regions. The remaining two- thirds of the country (South-Central Somalia), including rural areas, is devoid of any real WSS institutional organization or oversight. Most Somalis obtain water from boreholes and shallow wells.Shallow wells are typically located within settlements where the water quality is often polluted due to nearby latrines seeping their contents into the groundwater. This causes frequent outbreaks of water related diseases such as cholera and diarrhea. The latest estimates suggest that less than 29 percent of the total population in Somalia has access to a clean, sustainable water source.
...
In the absence of a central government, a local private sector has developed to fill the void in
services. Entrepreneurs throughout the country are building cement catchments, drilling private
boreholes, or shipping water from public systems in the cities.
...
Somalia is a water scarce country and precipitation variability appears to be increasing. Many of its regions have experienced severe droughts followed by severe flooding. In both cases, rural populations are particularly vulnerable, because of their limited resources or adaptive capacity. In addition, brutal conflicts have erupted in localized areas as water scarcity has increased. Multiple humanitarian agencies have had to implement major water trucking operations and other measures to provide water to drought-affected communities

....

Donor involvement in Somalia’s WSS sector is primarily a humanitarian operation. Very little focus has been devoted to WSS financial, managerial, and technical issues. Somalia receives aid from several multilateral and bilateral sources. The United States is the largest bilateral donor while the European Union is the largest multilateral donor to Somalia. Other major donors include the World Bank, Italy, Japan, Sweden, Norway, the Netherlands, Britain and Denmark. Minor donors include Canada, Finland, Germany and Egypt. Several UN agencies, particularly the United Nations Development Program and United Nations Children's Fund, provide assistance as well. Most humanitarian operations are coordinated through UN – Somalia.

For more visit here http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PNADO923.pdf






A water tanker delivers much needed water to IDPs to the south of Mogadishu the water was delivered by the Local Civil Society groups, Mogadishu, Somalia, 9 April 2007.










Also in the news positive vibes on water from Somaliland worth sharing--Via Irin News

The availability of water purification tablets, digging of shallow wells in rural areas as well as privatisation of water services have resulted in more people in Somalia's self-declared republic of Somaliland gaining access to clean water and proper sanitation, officials said. At least 45-50 percent of the Somaliland population now has access to safe water, compared with 35 percent in 2000, according to Ali Sheikh Omar Qabil, director of environmental health in the Ministry of Health and Labour. "Most of the urban centres such as Hargeisa [the capital], Borama, Berbera, and Gabiley have central water supply systems and chlorine is routinely mixed into the water provided," Qabil said. Sheikh Ali Jawhar, director of the water department in the Ministry of Minerals and Water, said: "The installation of chlorination equipment units in water supply dams in the main urban centres and at shallow wells in remote areas is one of the factors that has increased water sanitation in the country." However, Jawhar said the region had yet to meet international standards in terms of quantity, with the average safe water availability being 14l per person per day in the capital and 8l in rural areas. The international standard is 20l/person/day. Water purification tablets are widely available across the region, supplied and sold by the NGO Population Services International (PSI).

Water situation in Refugee camps...here are two experiences from Oxfam blog

“There are no schools, latrines or reasonable toilets in the camp, besides some old toilets in the old building. We face a shortage of water here. We have to buy one barrel of water for fifteen thousand Shillings (just under $10) that is brought by a donkey cart as there is no running water pipe in the camp.”...“My children and all the other children in the camp don’t go to school but they go to the market to try and earn some money or beg. This is the money we use to purchase the water.”...“We have to limit our toilet visits to daytime as we face the danger of gunmen who try to rape us. Old people never go out of the building for fear of being attacked.‘’

Hawo Guled, a 40 year-old mother of seven residing in Shingani district.

“Our life today depends on the small amount of money that my husband earns as a radio repairer at Lafoole market. We usually eat one good meal a day – when we are lucky we have two meals. We don’t have any lunch – we have forgotten the name ‘lunch!’”, ...“Luckily, we don’t have to pay water fees any more because we now have a well where we get the water free of charge.”...Initially, Maadino had to get water for her family from community water tankers. “That was a difficult life,” she remembers. “We had to wake up as early as 3am so we could make it to the water tankers in time, and then we had to queue for long hours to fill up a maximum of two jerry cans of water.”...“The amount we now access allows everyone to have water for drinking, washing, bathing, and good hygiene.”

Maadino mother of four at Burdaar Refugees Camp in the Afgooye Corridor.

The International Contact Group (ICG) on Somalia meets in Madrid

The ICG convened its 18th session on Monday and Tuesday this week in Madrid. The meeting was chaired for the first time by Ambassador Mahiga, the UN Secretary-General’s Special Representative for Somalia, who emphasized that crucial decisions were needed. He called on the international community to convey its concerns to the TFG as well as recommendations for effective action and for implementation of the transitional tasks needed for the new political dispensation after August 2011. He called for the speedy appointment of a new Prime Minister and for a united and cohesive cabinet. Ambassador Mahiga appealed to the international community to redouble its efforts to assist the TFG and AMISOM to address the political and security challenges facing the TFG. He urged full implementation of the agreements signed between the TFG and Ahlu Sunna wal Jama’a, and encouraged the TFG to engage all groups ready to contribute to peace and renounce violence. Extended political space and a more secure environment would facilitate the speedy delivery of humanitarian assistance throughout Somalia. He welcomed the recent elections in Somaliland, and underlined the continuous security and economic challenges facing Puntland. The international community has rallied behind the governments of Iraq and Afghanistan. It should do the same for Somalia.

President Sheikh Sharif of the TFG expressed the hope that its outcome would provide tangible assistance for the Somali people. He called on the international community to confront Al-Qaeda and its affiliated terrorist groups in a serious manner. He expressed the readiness of the TFG to make every effort to accomplish the transitional tasks before next August. Referring to the existence of differences within the TFG leadership, he praised the ability of the TFIs to handle the challenges. He called on the international community to redouble its efforts to strengthen the police, military and intelligence services to enable the TFG to build peace and stability.

During the meeting, the representatives of the United States and Norway urged the TFG leadership to stay cohesive. They called on the international community to provide the necessary support to the TFG and AMISOM. Dr. Tekeda Alemu, Ethiopia’s State Minister of Foreign Affairs, highlighted the justified frustrations of the international community over the continuous squabbles within the TFG, but also emphasized that there was no alternative to supporting the TFG. The Djibouti Process was the only peace process available and the international community must make more efforts to strengthen it. He warned against being hoodwinked by statements from those whose activities were still devoted to undermining the TFG and the peace and stability of Somalia, and indeed more widely. He stressed the international community should always act on the basis of empirical evidence not on the basis of mere assertions.

It was noted that some in the international community have been trying to unravel the Djibouti Peace Process and question the legitimacy of the TFG. On the other hand, others including IGAD, the Arab League, the African Union, the Organization of Islamic Conference, were united in expressing their support for the TFG, pledging to continue to strengthen it. They agreed that Al-Shabaab and Hizbul Islam were not prepared to accept peace or national reconciliation. Delegates from Sudan and the Arab League noted that Sheikh Hassan Dahir ‘Aweys’ had been invited to Sudan from Asmara in April 2008 in an attempt to persuade him to make peace with the TFG. Despite ten days of effort, they had made no progress; Sheikh ‘Aweys’ remained adamant in his determination for conflict.

Delegates emphasized the need to support areas that have created relative peace and stability. The ICG applauded the successful election held in Somaliland and underlined the need to increase support to enable the people of Somaliland to sustain their relative peace and stability and their democratic progress. Somaliland was also the subject of a sideline meeting called by the UK and Norway on Tuesday. This commended the peaceful transfer of power after the election, and emphasized the need to provide the necessary support to ensure continuity of democratization, in terms of direct budgetary support and capacity building, in security issues and to encourage the new administration in its reform agenda. There was agreement on the need to assist in enhancing infrastructure, including the Berbera corridor, as well as building up social services, including, for example, Hargeisa’s water supply. Partners agreed to create a coordination framework for helping the administration immediately. Somaliland had set an example to all Somalis, and indeed to Africa in general, in democratization; and it had also played a major role in regional security. While its new administration hasn’t abandoned the issue of recognition, it also attaches great importance to development cooperation and to having close working relationships with partners. The sense of the meeting was that as much as possible should be done to assist its progress short of recognition. The same applies to Puntland.

The ICG meeting itself produced a series of recommendations. The TFG was called on to produce within two months a roadmap outlining management of the remaining transition period. The Transitional Federal Institutions must intensify their efforts to complete the key transitional tasks, particularly the finalization of the Constitution-making process, and explore various options for the post-transition arrangements. While making clear the Djibouti Peace Process remains the sole basis for the achievement of Peace and National Reconciliation in Somalia, the ICG called on the TFG to increase its outreach and reconciliation efforts towards all those who have expressed their willingness to join the Peace Process and renounce violence, and take immediate and concrete steps towards full and effective implementation of the agreement signed with Ahlu Sunna wal Jama’a.

The meeting made concrete suggestions to strengthen existing partnership and coordination mechanisms within the security sector, to address the impact of piracy and its causes, to build sustainable institutions and to increase humanitarian assistance. The ICG meeting this week was the latest in a series of meetings which have underlined the importance of bringing an end to the status quo in Somalia, of stopping Al-Shabaab’s offensive and assuring the security of the TFG. There was the extra-ordinary Council of IGAD Ministers’ meeting, the IGAD Chiefs of Defense Staffs meeting, and the IGAD Heads of State and Government Summit. This defined the crisis clearly and accurately as a conflict between the people of Somalia and international terrorism. The African Union Summit in Kampala endorsed this. So did the UN’s mini-summit in New York. Now the ICG meeting has taken place in Madrid. All of these have highlighted the Djibouti Peace Process as the sole basis for peace and reconciliation in Somalia and stressed the necessity for the TFG to really push for this. There can be no accommodation with Al-Shabaab and extremism, nor can there be any compromise with those who continue to support Al-Shabaab. This is why it was a mistake to invite Eritrea to the Istanbul conference on Somalia. This is why all IGAD countries rejected the idea of allowing Eritrea to participate in the mini-summit in New York. Eritrea has refused to respond to UN resolutions, and even in the last few weeks has sent armed fighters into Ethiopia’s Somali Regional State, and flown arms supplies down to Al-Shabaab in Kismayo. Eritrea has, in fact, shown no capacity, no interest and no will to be involved in peace-making. As IGAD members made clear Eritrea has been so deeply involved in acting as a “spoiler” or a regional trouble-maker that it would have been a mockery for it to be represented at such a conference.

Source: http://www.mfa.gov.et/Press_Section/Week_Horn_Africa_October_01_2010.htm#4
Photo by Guleed

Somaliland’s Health Care System Needs Special Attention!

The Horn of Africa is one of the world’s regions where you don’t want to be hospitalized for any reason, and unfortunately, Somaliland ranks the worst of all. Although not in the health care profession, I have noticed how Somaliland’s health care system is disorganized, unregulated, and deteriorates day after day, when compared with other nations in the Horn of Africa, or for that matter, the rest of the world. In the ex-Somalia, the health care system was in fairly good condition within the capital of Mogadishu, but rest of the country suffered tremendously in all aspects of its infrastructure system including the health care system.

Mogadishu was overwhelmed with the construction of new hospitals from the 1960s to the last days of the old dictatorial regime. These new hospitals were outfitted with state of the art equipment, while Hargeisa, Buroa, and the rest of Somalia were overlooked by the dictatorship. Clearly, those who were part of that regime never looked back to their places of birth.

Paradoxically, Somaliland has some of the best doctors in the region. Most of them were trained either abroad or had extensive experience in Mogadishu hospitals. Many acquired plenty of experience during the civil war that devastated the country. However, today the health care infrastructure that would have allowed them to practice their profession is almost non-existent. The situation in Hargeisa is a good example. The Hargeisa General Hospital is the primary hospital for the city’s 650,000 residents and for those who come from the surrounding countryside seeking medical care. The British government built it when they were the colonial power and today remains substantially the same. There have been no improvements to it since that time, much less construction of new hospital facilities. The Edna Maternity Hospital stands out as a notable exception. We are all aware how this facility was made possible through the efforts and persistence of a single brave woman, Mrs. Edna Aden, who had far better vision than our so-called leaders. As Mrs. Ismail took the task of building maternity Hospital, we need a visionary who can establish a Children Hospital that is badly needed in the nation.

The health care system in Hargeisa is a reflection of the whole nation.

Today in Somaliland you can find almost any medical doctor or specialist in any field, but to access them, you must be in the capital and see that physician at their private clinic, or hope to see them during the few hours they volunteer in the General Hospital. As a result there are as many clinics as pharmacies in Hargeisa, since each doctor either owns or owns a share in that pharmacy. (While I’m not against doctors owning piece of the pie, there is a clear conflict of interest in this system. They should take high road and avoid using the medical needs of the infirm to reap outrageous profits for themselves.)

The health minister and health organizations that are there to assist the people of Somaliland should look deeply into the needs of the nation’s hospitals and clinics and implement a decent plan to adequately equip each hospital and clinic with the basic necessities. The most obvious needs are basic surgical equipment and accessories that are currently bought by relatives of the patients who are admitted to hospital, or are in clinics for outpatient care. Medical equipment readily available in the private sector is simply unavailable at many public hospital or clinics. It’s embarrassing to realize Hargeisa General Hospital doesn’t have oxygen bottles for those who are suffering oxygen deficiency in an emergency situation. As a visitor in Somaliland last August and a potential resident, I visited many hospitals, clinics, and pharmacies, and saw the absence of the basic things we take for granted in hospital beds overseas such as oxygen supplies, heart monitors and routine medicines. It’s heartbreaking to watch people suffering needlessly from minor injuries due to lack of medical equipment and medicine that are readily available in rest of the world or, for that matter, in some pharmacies in the country, at prices the average Somali Lander cannot afford.

While these problems are not easy to solve without international assistance, the Somali government, the local NGOs, and citizens of Somaliland need to place emphasis on improvements to the health care system, including the development of programs to promote the rehabilitation of existing hospitals and clinics. Last but not least, the health care system in Somaliland can only be improved if doctors act as doctors instead of as businessmen who are primarily interested in their profits, and if the legislature came up with statutes to regulate the importation of medicine and equipment into this country.

Eng: Abdirizak M. Farah, (Abdi wiiwaa)

Hercules, CA 94547

Photo from the Edna Adan Maternity Hospital Hargeisa

http://www.somalilandtimes.net/2003/76/7604.shtml

Somali Refugees Not Welcome In Some Countries - UNHCR

By Cosmus Butunyi

Nairobi, Kenya, September 18, 2010 – As the war rages in Somalia, civilians fleeing the clashes are no longer welcome in some of the countries where they seek refuge.

Besides Kenya, Ethiopia is the other country in the region that is receiving huge numbers of refugees from the country in which fighting between the transitional government and the Al-Shabaab, over the past two weeks, has claimed over 200 lives, and left about 400 wounded and 23,000 displaced.

“High populations of Somalis, mainly from Mogadishu are having asylum doors closed; they face discrimination,” the UN high commissioner for refugees, Antonio Guterres told The EastAfrican on his recent visit to refugee camps in Kenya.

The countries discriminating against the refugees and asylum seekers, which he declined to name, were putting obstacles in their way to safety and instead are driving them back to their country.

Mr Guterres appealed to the international community to keep the asylum space open for the fleeing Somalis as they went through a difficult time and not to have them return to Southern and Central Somalia.

He noted that Kenya is amongst countries that have been able to protect refugees over time without exhibiting xenophobic tendencies.

The Somali refugees make up over 80 per cent of the refugee population in Kenya that stands at 411,667, according to latest figures from the UN refugee agency (UNHCR). This year alone, 37,000 refugees have arrived from the country. Ethiopia, on the other hand, has received more than 20,000 individuals since the beginning of the year.

These are amongst the 68,000 Somalis who have fled the country this year into its neighbors within the region, putting Somalia on the third position in the ranking of countries generating the largest number of refugees across the world behind Afghanistan and Iraq. Even within the country, up to 1.4 million Somalis have been displaced.

The huge refugee population in Kenya has led to congestion in the Kakuma and Dadaab refugee camps, overstretching the available facilities.

Dadaab, which has three camps – Ifo, Hagdera and Daghaley- that were set up about two decades ago to accommodate 90,000 individuals, now hosts 283,268 people, most of whom are Somalis. Kakuma, on the other hand, which was meant for Sudanese refugees, is also dominated by the Somalis, who make up 41,898 out of the 74,367 individuals in the camp.

Mr Francis Baya, an assistant minister for immigration and registration of persons, said that the lasting solution to the refugee problem would be ensuring that negotiations between different clans in Somalia succeed.

“We would like to see a peaceful neighbor working towards development,” Mr Baya added.

The decision to allow refugees to stay in Kenya, he argued, is an effort to ensure that as few people as possible are injured in Somalia.

Besides passing the Refugee Act in 2006, the country has put in place a fully fledged department to handle their issues, including registration and overall coordination of activities.

Mr Baya said that plans are underway to extend registration to the border points instead of the current point, several kilometers within Kenyan territory.

The only challenge that the refugees destined for a safe haven in Kenya may encounter is the difficulty in fleeing Mogadishu.

A statement from the UNHCR indicates that the trip out of the city has lately become dangerous and difficult.

“As they leave Mogadishu, they face new risks and difficulties en route to Somalia’s Puntland in the north or Ethiopia and Kenya to the west and south,” it indicates.

Besides the collapse of the state, the UN refugee agency blames violence and anarchy, coupled with poverty, for the humanitarian crisis in the country. This has compromised security in the region.

However, a section of the refugee population want more than just being allowed to settle in Kenya as they await the situation to improve in their country. From work permits to lesser restrictions to movement, they insist that more needs to be done to improve their lives in their new homes.

Mr Moulid Dugsuye Hirsi, one of the community leaders at Dadaab’s Ifo Camp, says that those amongst them who seek specialized treatment face challenges in leaving the camps.

“Some of us have been around for close to 20 years; we should be given freedom of movement and our children given employment,” he adds.

Already, Mr Baya has directed the provincial administration and the medical authorities to liaise with the office of the director of refugee affairs to shorten the bureaucratic process of medical referrals.

Source: The East African

SOMALIA: FROM FINEST TO FAILED STATE

The contemporary Somalia attests to be a classical case of failed state, distinguished from that of medieval Somalia cited in thePeriplus of the Erythraean Sea and numerous books written in the middle ages as a prosperous country connecting Africa to Arab World and as far as Southeast Asia.

The Moroccan scholar, Abu Abdullah Mohammed Ibn Battuta, considered as the greatest traveler in his time, wrote in his Rixla that Mogadishu – Somali capital – was one of the most affluent cities in 1331, larger than Damascus, which was the capital of Mamluks at the time. In the words of Ibn Battuta: “Mogadishu is a very large town. The people are merchants and very rich. They own large herds of camels…and also sheep. Here they manufacture the textiles called after the name of the town; these are of superior quality and are exported to Egypt and other places.”

He further described the city as a town of enormous size: “Its merchants are possessed of vast resources; they own large numbers of camels, of which they slaughter hundreds every day (for food), and also have quantities of sheep. In this place are manufactured the woven fabrics called after it, which are unequalled and exported from it to Egypt and elsewhere.” The civilisation was evident in the city-state as the Sultan sent Ibn Battuta two small welcoming gifts: a plate of betel leaves and areca nuts, and a vial of Damascus rosewater. Mentioning the possession of the ruler from the palace to the mosque, Ibn Batutta made this invigorating description:

Sounded drums Over his head were carried four canopies of colored silk, with the figure of a bird in gold on top of each canopy. His garments on that day were a large green mantle of Jerusalem stuff, with fine robes of Egyptian stuffs with their appendages underneath it, and he was girt with a waist wrapper of silk and turbaned. In front of him were sounded drums and trumpets and fifes, and before him and behind him were the commanders of the troops, while the qadi, the doctors of the law and the sharifs walked along side him. People of Mogadishu, as Ibn Battuta observed, were generous, urbane, fat and erudite. In fact, they were genuine followers of Prophet Muhammad’s instruction: “Travel in search of knowledge, even though that adventure takes you to China.” Piracy was extraterrestrial to Somalis when Ibn Battuta was stormed by Hindu pirates off the coast of India. Medieval Mogadishu, which boasted to be a city-state, was under the rule of Sultan Abubakar Sheikh Omar, who preached tolerant and cohesive Islam dissimilar to born-again ‘jihadists’ whose interpretation of Islam justifies today that murdering innocent civilians is a part of wider ‘jihad’ toward infidels.

What went wrong Ibn Battuta was not the first to record such an account and chronicle on Somalia, but he was the first explorer to write in detail. Ibn Said and Al-Idrissi were Arab travellers who visited Mogadishu, Merka, Seylac, Berbera and other cities. Most historians agree that cattle and camel were plentiful and meat was in abundance in those cities during this period. So the sociological and anthropological questions that hunt for answers now are what went wrong, then. How exactly did we get here? The purpose of this article is to examine these questions and attempt to look at how Somalia descended into from Schopenhauerian World to Al-Shabaab’s Shawshank. It is historically believed that some time in the end of middle ages Somali people began to fight along clan lines, as occurred in 1991 after many years of brutal rule and state fragmentation. Using every metal and weapon available to them at the time, they destroyed ruling kingdom Ajuuraan, which was a powerful empire that ruled Mogadishu and most parts of Somali territory. During the rule of this kingdom, an ancient cotton-weaving industry was profitable in Mogadishu, though people rebelled for rising unpayable taxation and constant fines. Prior to this time, there were other kingdoms, Ifat and Adal, which ruled other parts of Somalia, even though there still is a historical debate about the ethnic composition of those kingdoms. One finding by Oxford History of Islam reveals that Ifat and Adal, which emerged as major Muslim kingdoms from 1420 to 1560, were Arabs who recruited its military force mainly from Somalis. Under the command of Ahmed Gurey, the Imam and General of Adal sultanate, Somalis were crucial for the campaign historically known as the Conquest of Abyssinia or Futuh al-Habash in which Muslim population in the Horn of Africa conquered two thirds of Solomonic territories of Ethiopia, defeating Ethiopian Emperor Lebna Dengel along with Portuguese reinforcements.

Defeat and death Most historians in the Horn of Africa acknowledge that strong Somali forces contributed much input to Imam’s victories. It appears that Gurey’s defeat and death in 1543 by Portuguese sharpshooter marked the beginning of an end for Somalis, who were always deeply divided along clan and sub-clan lines and suddenly started to suffer. It would take many centuries to come to recover a trauma caused by Imam’s death. The result was experiencing Ethiopian expansion and its consolidation of control among nomadic Somalis, European colonisation and post-colonialism period. Before European settlers; Britain, Italy and France divided Somalia into five territories, the country was at odds into clan fiefdoms. For instance, Mogadishu alone, in this particular time, had two sultans and was divided into two sections: Shingani and Hamarweyne. It was when French explorer Charles Guillain visited Sultan of Geledi, and Britain’s Richard Burton went to Haji Sharmarke Ali Saleh, the Sultan of Seylac. Some other explorers came also to see clan sultanates in the area, discovering customs, cultures and traditions to pave the way for future colonization. It should probably be later on when the East African man uttered stridently, “Somalis, Bwana, they no good; each man his own sultan.”

Hostile history Equally astounding was when certain clans created their own sultanates, imposing their power on others, like Sultan of Bender Qasim and self-styled Sultan of Hobyo. Consequently, each clan had its Sultan and traditional leader as well as a very long hostile history of its own. As clans made traditional boundaries, no-one was authorized to enter the others’ precincts. It was exactly the same way as present-day Somalia when every clan is electing its own president, and fiefdoms and semi-states, like Somaliland, Hiiraanland, Puntland, Ximan and Xeeb, Galmudug, Maamulka SSC, Bartamahaland, to mention just a few, are booming to produce a situation of ‘each sub-clan, one state’ system. Undoubtedly, the history of the Dir clan differs in some details from the history of the Raxanweyn, the history of Hawiye clan differs from the history of Daarood, the history of Reer Hamars differs from the one of Bravenese, the history of very skilled clans of Tumaal, Madhibaan, Gabooye, Midgaan, Yibir differs from that of Jareerweyne, yet Somalis are quite similar in many ways. They share common language, religion, culture and tradition.

(Mohamed Haji Ingiriis is a Somali based in London who writes extensively about Somali history and politics. He has a background with philosophy, media law and administration. He contributes to local London newspapers. ingiriis@yahoo.com).

http://www.somalilandtimes.net/sl/2010/451/12.shtml